Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib

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Ghadir Khumm

On his return trip from the Hajj pilgrimage in 632, Muhammad halted the large caravan of pilgrims at the Ghadir Khumm and addressed them after the congregational prayer. After the prayer, Muhammad delivered a sermon to a large number of Muslims in which he emphasized the importance of the Quran and his ahl al-bayt (lit. 'people of the house', his family). Taking Ali by the hand, Muhammad then asked if he was not awla (lit. 'have more authority over' or 'closer to') the believers than themselves, this is evidently a reference to verse 33:6 of the Quran. When they affirmed, Muhammad then declared, "He whose mawla I am, Ali is his mawla." Musnad Ibn Hanbal, a canonical Sunni source, adds that Muhammad repeated this statement three or four more times and that Umar congratulated Ali after the sermon, "You have now become the mawla of every faithful man and woman." Muhammad had earlier alerted Muslims about his impending death. Shia sources describe the event in greater detail, linking the announcement to verses 5:3 and 5:67 of the Quran.

The authenticity of the Ghadir Khumm is rarely contested, as it is "among the most extensively acknowledged and substantiated" reports in classical Islamic sources. However, mawla is a polysemous Arabic word and its interpretation in the context of the Ghadir Khumm is split along sectarian lines. Shia sources interpret mawla as 'leader', 'master', and 'patron', while Sunni sources interpret it as love or support for Ali. Shias, therefore, view the Ghadir Khumm as the investiture of Ali with Muhammad's religious and political authority, while Sunnis regard it as a statement about the rapport between the two men, or that Ali should execute Muhammad's will. Shias point to the extraordinary nature of the announcement, give Quranic and textual evidence, and argue to eliminate other meanings of mawla in the hadith except for authority, while Sunnis minimize the importance of the Ghadir Khumm by casting it as a simple response to earlier complaints about Ali. During his caliphate, Ali is known to have asked Muslims to come forward with their testimonies about the Ghadir Khumm, presumably to counter challenges to his legitimacy.

Succession to Muhammad

Muhammad died in 632 when Ali was in his early thirties. As he and other close relatives prepared for the burial, a group of the Ansar (Medinan natives, lit. 'helpers') gathered at the Saqifa to discuss the future of Muslims or to retake control of their city, Medina. Abu Bakr and Umar were among the few representatives of the Muhajirun (Meccan converts, lit. 'migrants') at the Saqifa. The case of Ali was unsuccessfully brought up at the Saqifa in his absence, and, ultimately, those present there appointed Abu Bakr to leadership after a heated debate that is said to have become violent. Clan rivalries at the Saqifa played a key role in favor of Abu Bakr, and the outcome may have been different in a broad council (shura) with Ali as a candidate. In particular, the Quraysh tradition of hereditary succession strongly favored Ali, even though his youth weakened his case. By contrast, the succession (caliphate) of Abu Bakr is often justified on the basis that he led some of the prayers in Muhammad's final days, but the veracity and political significance of such reports have been questioned.

While the appointment of Abu Bakr was met with little resistance in Medina, the Banu Hashim and some companions of Muhammad soon gathered in protest at Ali's house. Among them were Zubayr and Muhammad's uncle Abbas. These protestors held Ali to be the rightful successor to Muhammad, probably in reference to the Ghadir Khumm. Among others, al-Tabari reports that Umar then led an armed mob to Ali's residence and threatened to set the house on fire if Ali and his supporters did not pledge their allegiance to Abu Bakr. The scene soon grew violent, but the mob retreated after Ali's wife, Fatima, pleaded with them. Abu Bakr later placed a successful boycott on the Banu Hashim, who eventually abandoned their support for Ali. Most likely, Ali himself did not pledge his allegiance to Abu Bakr until Fatima died within six months of her father, Muhammad. In Shia sources, the death (and miscarriage) of the young Fatima are attributed to an attack on her house to subdue Ali by the order of Abu Bakr. Sunnis categorically reject these reports, but there is evidence in their early sources that a mob entered Fatima's house by force and arrested Ali, an incident that Abu Bakr regretted on his deathbed. Likely a political move to weaken the Banu Hashim, Abu Bakr had earlier confiscated from Fatima the rich lands of Fadak, which she considered her inheritance (or a gift) from her father. The confiscation of Fadak is often justified in Sunni sources with a hadith about prophetic inheritance, the authenticity of which has been doubted partly because it contradicts Quranic injunctions.

Caliphate of Umar (r. 634–644)

Before his death in 634, Abu Bakr designated Umar as his successor. Ali was not consulted about this appointment, which was initially resisted by some senior companions. Ali himself did not press any claims this time and kept aloof from public affairs during the caliphate of Umar, who nevertheless consulted Ali in certain matters. For instance, Ali is credited with the idea of adopting the migration to Medina (hijra) as the beginning of the Islamic calendar. Yet Ali's political advice was probably ignored. For example, Umar devised a state register (diwan) to distribute excess state revenues according to Islamic precedence, but Ali held that those revenues should be equally distributed among Muslims, following the practice of Muhammad and Abu Bakr. Ali was also absent from the strategic meeting of notables near Damascus. Ali did not participate in Umar's military expeditions, although he does not seem to have publicly objected to them. Umar likely opposed the combination of prophethood and caliphate in the Banu Hashim, and he prevented Muhammad from dictating his will on his deathbed, possibly fearing that he might expressly designate Ali as his successor. Nevertheless, perhaps realizing the necessity of Ali's cooperation in his collaborative scheme of governance, Umar made some limited overtures to Ali and the Banu Hashim during his caliphate. For instance, Umar returned Muhammad's estates in Medina to Ali, but kept Fadak and Khaybar. By some accounts, Umar also insisted on marrying Ali's daughter Umm Kulthum, to which Ali reluctantly agreed when the former enlisted public support for his demand.

Before his death in 644, Umar tasked a small committee with choosing the next caliph among themselves. Ali and Uthman were the strongest candidates in this committee, whose members were all early companions of Muhammad from the Quraysh tribe. Another member, Abd al-Rahman ibn Awf, was given the deciding vote either by the committee or by Umar. After deliberations, Ibn Awf appointed his brother-in-law Uthman as the next caliph, when the latter promised to follow the precedent of the first two caliphs. By contrast, Ali rejected this condition, or gave an evasive answer. The Ansar were not represented in the committee, which was preinclined towards Uthman. Both of these factors worked against Ali, who could not have been simply excluded from the proceedings.

Caliphate of Uthman (r. 644–656)

Uthman was accused of nepotism, corruption, and injustice. Ali criticized Uthman's conduct, including the lavish gifts for Umayyad kinsmen. Ali also protected outspoken companions, such as Abu Dharr and Ammar ibn Yasir, and overall acted as a restraining influence on Uthman. Some supporters of Ali were part of the opposition movement, joined in their efforts by Talha and Zubayr, both senior companions of Muhammad, and by his widow Aisha. Among such supporters of Ali were Malik al-Ashtar and other religiously learned qurra (lit. 'Quran readers'). These supporters wanted to see Ali as the next caliph but there is no evidence that he coordinated with them. Ali also rejected the requests to lead the rebels, although he probably sympathized with their grievances. He was therefore considered a natural focus for the opposition, at least morally.

As their grievances mounted, provincial dissidents poured into Medina in 656. The Egyptian opposition sought the advice of Ali, who urged them to negotiate with Uthman. Ali similarly asked the Iraqi opposition to refrain from violence, which they heeded. He also repeatedly mediated between Uthman and the dissidents, to address their economic and political grievances. In particular, Ali negotiated and guaranteed the agreement that ended the first siege. He then convinced Uthman to publicly repent, which the caliph did but then retracted his statement, possibly influenced by his secretary Marwan ibn al-Hakam. Egyptian rebels laid siege to Uthman's residence for a second time when they intercepted an official letter ordering their punishment. They demanded the caliph's abdication but he refused and maintained his innocence about the letter, for which Marwan is often blamed in the early sources. Ali also sided with Uthman, but the caliph apparently accused him about the letter. This is probably when Ali refused to further intercede for Uthman, who was assassinated soon after by Egyptian rebels. Ali played no role in the deadly attack, and his son Hasan was injured while guarding Uthman's besieged residence at Ali's behest. He also convinced the rebels to deliver water to Uthman's house during the siege.

Administrative policies

The caliphate of Ali was characterized by his strict justice. He implemented radical policies to restore his vision of prophetic governance, and dismissed nearly all of Uthman's governors, whom he considered corrupt. Ali also distributed the treasury funds equally among Muslims, following the practice of Muhammad, and is said to have shown zero tolerance for corruption. Some of those affected by Ali's egalitarian policies soon revolted against him under the pretext of revenge for Uthman. Among them was Mu'awiya ibn Abi Sufyan, the long-serving governor of Syria. Ali has therefore been criticized by some for political naivety and excessive rigorism, and praised by others for righteousness and lack of political expediency. His supporters identify similar decisions of Muhammad, and argue that Islam never allows for compromising on a just cause, citing verse 68:9 of the Quran, "They wish that thou might compromise and that they might compromise." Some instead suggest that Ali's decisions were actually justified on a practical level. For instance, the removal of unpopular governors was perhaps the only option available to Ali because injustice was the main grievance of the rebels.

As evident from his public speeches, Ali viewed himself not only as the temporal leader of the Muslim community but also as its exclusive religious authority. He thus laid claim to the religious authority to interpret the Quran and Sunna. Some supporters of Ali indeed held him as their divinely-guided leader who deserved the same type of loyalty that Muhammad did. They felt an absolute and all-encompassing bond of spiritual loyalty (walaya) to Ali that transcended politics. For instance, many of them publicly offered Ali their unconditional support circa 658. They justified their absolute loyalty to Ali based on his merits, precedent in Islam, his kinship with Muhammad, and also the announcement by the latter at the Ghadir Khumm. Many of them also viewed Ali as the rightful successor to Muhammad after his death, as evidenced in the poetry from that period, for instance.

Ali opposed centralized control over provincial revenues. He equally distributed excess taxes and booty among Muslims, following the precedent of Muhammad and Abu Bakr. In comparison, Umar had distributed the state revenues according to Islamic merit, and Uthman was accused of nepotism and corruption. The strictly egalitarian policies of Ali earned him the support of underprivileged groups, including the Ansar, the qurra, and the late immigrants to Iraq. By contrast, Talha and Zubayr were both Qurayshite companions of Muhammad who had amassed great wealth under Uthman. They both revolted against Ali when he refused to grant them favors. Some other figures among the Quraysh similarly turned against Ali, who even withheld public funds from his relatives, whereas his archenemy Mu'awiya readily offered monetary gifts. Ali instructed his officials to collect tax payments on a voluntary basis and without harassment, and to prioritize the poor when distributing public funds. A letter attributed to Ali directs his governor to pay more attention to land development than taxation.

During the civil war, Ali forbade his soldiers from looting, and instead paid them from the tax revenues. He also pardoned his enemies in victory. Both of these practices were later enshrined in Islamic law. Ali also advised his commander Malik al-Ashtar not to reject any calls to peace, not to violate any agreements, and ordered him not to commence hostilities. Ali similarly barred his troops from disturbing civilians, killing the wounded and those who fled, mutilating the dead, entering homes without permission, looting, and harming women. He prevented the enslavement of women in victory, even though some protested. Before the Battle of Siffin, Ali allowed his enemies to access drinking water when he gained the upper hand.

Battle of Siffin

Mu'awiya, the long-time governor of Syria, was deemed corrupt and unfit by Ali, who removed him from his post. In turn, Mu'awiya refused to step down and informed Ali through a representative that he would recognize Ali as caliph in exchange for the continued governorship of Syria, and possibly the annexation of Egypt. Ali rejected this proposal.

In response, Mu'awiya launched a propaganda campaign across Syria, blaming Ali for the regicide and calling for revenge. Mu'awiya also joined forces with Amr ibn al-As, a military strategist, who pledged to back the Umayyads against Ali in return for the life-long governorship of Egypt. Mu'awiya then formally declared war, charging Ali with complicity in the regicide, demanding his removal, and a council in Syria thereafter to elect a new caliph. Contemporary authors tend to view Mu'awiya's call for revenge as a pretext to retain power.

In the summer of 657, Ali's Iraqi forces and Mu'awiya's Syrian army camped at Siffin, west of the Euphrates River, numbering perhaps at 100,000 and 130,000, respectively. Many of Muhammad's companions were present in Ali's army, whereas Mu'awiya could only boast a handful. The two sides negotiated for a while, to no avail, after which the main battle took place from Wednesday, 26 July 657, until Friday or Saturday morning. Ali probably refrained from initiating hostilities, and later fought alongside his men on the frontline, whereas Mu'awiya led from his pavilion, and rejected a proposal to settle the matters in a personal duel with Ali. Among those killed fighting for Ali was Ammar ibn Yasir. In canonical Sunni sources, a prophetic hadith predicts Ammar's death at the hands of al-fi'a al-baghiya (lit. 'rebellious aggressive group').

Fighting stopped when the Syrians raised pages of the Quran on their lances, shouting, "Let the Book of God be the judge between us." Since Mu'awiya had for long insisted on battle, this call for arbitration suggests that he now sensed defeat. By contrast, Ali exhorted his men to fight, telling them that the raising of the Quran was deception, but to no avail. Through their representatives, the qurra and the tribesmen of Kufa, the largest bloc in Ali's army, both threatened Ali with mutiny if he did not answer the Syrians' call. Facing strong peace sentiments in his army, Ali accepted the arbitration proposal, most likely against his own judgment.

Mu'awiya now proposed that representatives from both sides should find a Quranic resolution. Mu'awiya was represented by his ally Amr ibn al-As, whereas, despite Ali's opposition, the majority in his camp pressed for the neutral Abu Musa al-Ash'ari, the erstwhile governor of Kufa. The arbitration agreement was written and signed on 2 August 657, stipulating that the two representatives should meet on neutral territory, adhere to the Quran and Sunna, and restore peace. Both armies left the battlefield after the agreement. The arbitration agreement thus divided Ali's camp, as many did not support his negotiations with Mu'awiya, whose claims they considered fraudulent. In contrast, the agreement strengthened Mu'awiya's political position, who was now an equal contender for the caliphate.

A faction of Ali's erstwhile supporters seceded from him in protest to the arbitration agreement. Many of them eventually rejoined Ali, while the rest gathered at Nahrawan. They became known as the Kharijites (lit. 'seceders'), who later took up arms against Ali. The Kharijites, many of whom belonged to the qurra, were likely disillusioned with the arbitration process. Their slogan was, "No judgment but that of God," highlighting their rejection of arbitration (by men) in reference to the Quranic verse 49:9. Ali called this slogan a word of truth by which the seceders sought falsehood because he viewed the ruler as indispensable in the conduct of religion.

The two arbitrators met together in Dumat al-Jandal, perhaps in February 658. There they reached the verdict that Uthman had been killed wrongfully and that Mu'awiya had the right to seek revenge. They could not agree on anything else. Rather than a judicial ruling, this was a political concession by Abu Musa, who probably hoped that Amr would later reciprocate this gesture. Ali denounced the conduct of the two arbitrators as contrary to the Quran and began organizing a second campaign against Syria. Solely an initiative of Mu'awiya, there was also a second meeting in Udhruh. The negotiations there also failed, as the two arbitrators could not agree on the next caliph: Amr supported Mu'awiya, while Abu Musa nominated his son-in-law Abd Allah ibn Umar, who stood down. At its closure, Abu Musa publicly deposed both Ali and Mu'awiya and called for a council to appoint his successor. When Amr took the stage, however, he deposed Ali and confirmed Mu'awiya in his place. The Kufan delegation reacted furiously to Abu Musa's concessions, and the common view is that the arbitration failed, or was inconclusive. It nevertheless strengthened the Syrians' support for Mu'awiya and weakened Ali's political position.

In Islam

Ali's place is said to be second only to Muhammad in Shia Islam. Ali is revered for his courage, honesty, unbending devotion to Islam, magnanimity, and equal treatment of all Muslims. For his admirers, he has thus become the archetype of uncorrupted Islam and pre-Islamic chivalry.

Ali regularly represented Muhammad in missions which are commonly linked to Quranic injunctions. For instance, the verse of walaya (5:55) is a reference to when Ali gave his ring to a beggar, while praying in the mosque, according to Shia and some Sunni accounts. If so, then this verse gives Ali the same spiritual authority (walaya) as Muhammad. In Shia sources, the verse of tabligh (5:67) spurred Muhammad to designate Ali as his successor at the Ghadir Khumm, while the verse of ikmal al-din (5:3) subsequently announced the perfection of Islam. The verse of purification (33:33) concerns the status of purity of the Ahl al-Bayt (lit. 'people of the house'), which is limited to Ali, Fatima, and their two sons in Shia and some Sunni sources. Another reference to the Ahl al-Bayt might be the verse of mawadda (42:23). For Shias, this verse is a Quranic mandate to love and follow the Ahl al-Bayt.

Muhammad frequently praised the qualities of Ali. The most controversial such statement, "He whose mawla I am, Ali is his mawla," was delivered at the Ghadir Khumm. This gave Ali the same spiritual authority (walaya) as Muhammad, according to Shias. Elsewhere, the hadith of the position likens Muhammad and Ali to Moses and Aaron, and thus supports the usurped right of Ali to succeed Muhammad in Shia Islam. Other examples in standard Shia and Sunni collections of hadith include, "There is no youth braver than Ali," "No-one but a believer loves Ali, and no-one but a hypocrite (munafiq) hates Ali," "I am from Ali, and Ali is from me, and he is the wali (lit. 'patron' or 'guardian') of every believer after me," "The truth revolves around him [Ali] wherever he goes," "I am the city of knowledge and Ali is its gate (bab)," "Ali is with the Quran and the Quran is with Ali. They will not separate until they return to me at the [paradisal] pool."

Ali is the common source of mystical and spiritual currents within both Sunni and Shia sects of Islam. In particular, Ali is the spiritual head of some Sufi movements, for Sufis believe that Ali inherited from Muhammad his esoteric knowledge and saintly authority, which guide believers on their journey toward God. Nearly all Sufi orders trace their lineage to Muhammad through Ali, an exception being the Naqshbandis, who reach Muhammad through Abu Bakr.

In Sunni Islam, Ali is venerated as a close companion of Muhammad, a foremost authority on the Quran and Islamic law, and the fountainhead of wisdom in Sunni spirituality. When Muhammad died in 632, Ali had his claims to leadership, perhaps in reference to the Ghadir Khumm, but he eventually accepted the temporal rule of the first three caliphs in the interest of Muslim unity. Ali is portrayed in Sunni sources as a trusted advisor of the first three caliphs, while their conflicts with Ali are minimized, in line with the Sunni tendency to show accord among companions. As the fourth caliph, Ali holds a particularly high status in Sunni Islam, although this doctrinal reverence for Ali is a recent development for which the prominent Sunni traditionist Ibn Hanbal (d. 855) is likely to be credited. Sunni hierarchy of companions places Ali below his three predecessors and above those who fought against him. This ordering has required Sunni reinterpretation of those prophetic sayings that explicitly elevate Ali above all companions.

Ali takes center stage in Shia Islam: The Arabic word shi'a itself is short for 'shi'a of Ali' (lit. 'followers of Ali'), his name is incorporated into the daily call to prayer (adhan), and he is regarded as the foremost companion of Muhammad. The defining doctrine of Shia Islam is that Ali was the rightful successor of Muhammad through divinely-ordained designation, which is primarily a reference to the Ghadir Khumm. Ali is thought to have inherited the political and religious authority of Muhammad, even before his ascension to the caliphate in 656. In particular, Ali's predecessors are regarded as illegitimate rulers and usurpers of his rights. The all-encompassing bond of loyalty between Shias and their imams (and Muhammad in his capacity as imam) is known as walaya. Ali is also thought to be endowed with the privilege of intercession on the Judgment Day. Early on, some Shias even attributed divinity to Ali, but such extreme views were gradually rooted out of Shi'ism.

In Shia belief, Ali also inherited the esoteric knowledge of Muhammad, for instance, in view of the prophetic hadith, "I [Muhammad] am the city of knowledge, and Ali is its gate." Ali is thus regarded, after Muhammad, as the interpreter, par excellence, of the Quran and the sole authoritative source of its (esoteric) teachings. Unlike Muhammad, however, Ali is not thought to have received divine revelation (wahy), though he might have been guided by divine inspiration (ilham). Verse 21:73 of the Quran is sometimes cited here, "We made them imams, guiding by Our command, and We revealed (awhayna') to them the performance of good deeds, the maintenance of prayers, and the giving of zakat (alms), and they used to worship Us." Shias also believe in the infallibility of Ali, as with Muhammad, that is, their divine protection from sins. Here, the verse of purification is sometimes cited. Ali's words and deeds are therefore considered a model for the Shia community and a source for their religious injunctions.

Ibadis maintain a distinct theological judgment of Ali based on his adherence to Quranic principles during the First Fitna. While they initially recognized his legitimacy and approved of his stance against the rebellions of Aisha and Mu'awiya, the Ibadi tradition holds that Ali forfeited his right to lead when he accepted human arbitration at the Battle of Siffin. From the Ibadi perspective, this decision constituted an abandonment of divine mandate, rendering him unfit for the imamate.

This judgment is solidified by Ali's subsequent military action at the Battle of Nahrawan, where his forces defeated the Ahl al-Nahr (People of the River). Ibadis regard these fallen opponents as the true keepers of the faith and consider their leader, Abd Allah ibn Wahb al-Rasibi, to be the legitimate successor to the imamate following what they identify as the error of Ali at Siffin. Consequently, in Ibadi historiography, Ali is not viewed as a rightly-guided figure in his later years. Instead, the genealogy of Islam (nasab al-islām) is believed to have been preserved by those who dissociated from his compromised leadership.

Modern Ibadi scholars interpret these events as a trial of faith. By refusing to comply with divine law through his participation in arbitration, Ali—despite his previous dignity and Islamic merits—is perceived to have set a pattern of behavior that demonstrated his failure to uphold the standards required of a just imam. Because ordinary Muslims are deemed to be "ungrateful for God's blessings" (kuffar ni'ma) if they persist in supporting such errors, Ibadis maintain a stance of spiritual dissociation (bara'a) from the political legacy of the later caliphs, including Ali and Uthman, while simultaneously avoiding the indiscriminate violence advocated by more extremist Kharijite sects.

The Alawites venerate Ali, the first of the Twelve Imams, as the physical manifestation of God. Their testimony of faith (shahada) translates as "there is no God but Ali". The Alawite trinity envisions God as being composed of three distinct manifestations, Ma'na (meaning), Ism (Name) and Bab (Door); which together constitute an "indivisible trinity". Ma'na symbolises the "source and meaning of all things" in Alawite mythology. According to Alawite doctrines, Ma'na generated the Ism, which in turn built the Bab. These beliefs are closely tied to the Alawite doctrine of reincarnations of the trinity. The final trinity of reincarnation in the Alawite trinity consists of Ali (Ma'na), Muhammad (Ism) and Salman the Persian (Bab). Alewites depict them as the sky, sun and moon respectively. Alawites deify Ali as the "last and supreme manifestation of God" who built the universe, attribute to him divine superiority, and believe that Ali created Muhammad and gave him the mission to spread Qur'anic teachings on earth.

About Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib

About Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib

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Birth and early life

Companionship of Muhammad

Event of the mubahala

Political career

Military career

Ghadir Khumm

Life under Rashidun Caliphs

Succession to Muhammad

Caliphate of Abu Bakr (r. 632–634)

Caliphate of Umar (r. 634–644)

Caliphate of Uthman (r. 644–656)

Caliphate

Election (656)

Administrative policies

Battle of the Camel

Battle of Siffin

Battle of Nahrawan

Final years

Assassination and burial

Succession

Descendants of Ali

Under the Umayyads (661–750)

Under the Abbasids (750–1258)

Works

Nahj al-balagha

Ghurar al-hikam

Mushaf of Ali

Kitab Ali

Other works

Contributions to Islamic sciences

Names and titles

Character

Assessment and legacy

In Islam

In other religions

Cultural depictions

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