Manuel Roxas

Early life and education

Manuel Roxas y Acuña was born on January 1, 1892, in Capiz, Capiz (present-day Roxas City) to Gerardo Roxas y Luis and Rosario Acuña y Villaruz. He was a posthumous child, as his father died after being mortally wounded by the Spanish Guardia Civil the year before. He and his older brother, Mamerto, were raised by their mother and her father, Don Eleuterio Acuña. His other siblings from his father included Leopoldo and Margarita, while he also had half-siblings, Consuelo, Leopoldo, Ines, and Evaristo Picazo after his mother remarried.

Roxas received his early education in the public schools of Capiz and attended St. Joseph's College in Hong Kong at age 12, but due to homesickness, he went back to Capiz. He eventually transferred to Manila High School, graduating with honors in 1909.

Roxas began his law studies at a private law school established by George A. Malcolm, the first dean of the University of the Philippines College of Law. On his second year, he enrolled at University of the Philippines, where he was elected president of his class and the student council. In 1913, Roxas obtained his law degree, graduated class valedictorian, and subsequently topped the bar examinations with a grade of 92% that same year. He then became professor of law at the Philippine Law School and National University. He served as secretary to Judge Cayetano Arellano of the Supreme Court.

Political career

In 1917, Roxas became a member of the municipal council of Capiz, serving until 1919. He then became the youngest provincial governor of Capiz, and served in that capacity from 1919 to 1922.

Roxas was elected to the Philippine House of Representatives in 1922, and for twelve consecutive years was Speaker of the House. He served as a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1934, secretary of finance, chairman of the National Economic Council, chairman of the National Development Company, and served in many other government corporations and agencies. He also served as a brigadier general in the United States Army Forces in the Far East (USAFFE), was a recognized guerrilla leader and military leader of the Philippine Commonwealth Army. Roxas became one of the leaders of the Nacionalista Party, which was dominated by the hacendado class who owned the vast hacienda estates that made up most of the cultivated land in the Philippines. The same hacendado elite who dominated the Philippines under Spanish rule continued to be the dominant social element under American rule. Roxas himself was a hacendado, who had used his wealth to further his political ambitions. The politics of the Philippines were characterized by a clientistic system under which politicians would use their offices to create patronage networks, and personal differences between politicians were far greater than any ideological differences.

With the Great Depression, the Philippines started to be seen as a liability in the United States as demands were made to end Filipino immigration to the United States and end the tariff free importation of Filipino agriculture into the American market as many American farmers complained they could not compete with Filipino farmers. To end Filipino immigration and access to the American market, many U.S. congressional leaders favored granting immediate independence to the Philippines. At the same time that the U.S. Congress was debating granting independence to the Philippines, many Filipino leaders were worried by the increasing assertive claims being made by Japan that all of East Asia was its sphere of influence. In a role reversal, it was the Filipinos who were opposed to immediate independence, which was proposed in the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill being debated within the halls of Congress.

In early 1930, Roxas flew to the United States with Sergio Osmeña to lobby the U.S. Congress to go slow on the granting of independence in the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill. Aside from the fear of Japan, many Filipinos were deeply worried about the plans to impose heavy tariffs on Filipino agriculture after independence, which provided another reason to go slowly with independence. In Washington, Roxas lobbied U.S. government leaders such as Secretary of State Henry Stimson and Secretary of War Patrick Hurley. Roxas testified before the U.S. Congress that he favored Philippine independence, saying the Filipinos had fulfilled the "stable government" provision of the Jones Act of 1916, which mandated that independence be granted when Filipinos proved that they had a "stable government". However, Roxas went on to testify that "with the granting of tariff autonomy, serious difficulties may arise". In common with the rest of the Filipino elite, Roxas saw the plans of the U.S. Congress to impose tariffs on Filipino goods after independence as an economic disaster for the Philippines.

Senate

After amendments to the 1935 Philippine Constitution were approved in 1941, Roxas was elected to the Philippine Senate, but was unable to serve until 1945 because of the outbreak of World War II. The United States was scheduled to grant the Philippines independence in 1945 while Japan started to make claims for a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere from 1940 onward. In common with other members of the Filipino elite, Roxas started to cultivate ties with Japan as it was unclear whatever the Philippines would remain in the American sphere of influence after independence or fall into the Japanese sphere of influence. However, as the United States was planning on granting independence, ending more than 400 years of foreign rule, Filipino public opinion was hostile to the idea of the Philippines joining the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.

Having enrolled prior to World War II as an officer in the reserves, Roxas was made liaison officer between the Commonwealth government and the USAFFE headquarters of General Douglas MacArthur. On December 7, 1941, Japan went to war against the United States, bombing the U.S. naval base in Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, while also bombing American bases in the Philippines. Shortly after, Japanese invasion forces landed on Luzon, the largest and most populous of the islands of the Philippine archipelago. MacArthur had claimed that the American–Filipino forces under his command would stop any Japanese invasion "on the beaches", but instead the Japanese forces marched on Manila, the capital and largest city of the Philippines. Roxas accompanied President Quezon to Corregidor where he supervised the destruction of Philippine currency to prevent its capture by the Japanese. When Quezon left Corregidor, Roxas went to Mindanao to direct the resistance there. It was prior to Quezon's departure that he was made executive secretary and designated as successor to the presidency in case Quezon or Vice President Sergio Osmeña were captured or killed. On January 3, 1942, President Quezon presented General MacArthur with a secret guaranty of $500,000. The payment was related to the Filipino concept of utang na loob, where one offers a lavish gift in order to create a reciprocal obligation from the individual who receives the gift. Through the payment was legal, it was questionable from an ethical perspective, and MacArthur always kept the payment secret, which did not become public knowledge until 1979. Later that year, Quezon offered payment to General Dwight D. Eisenhower, which he refused, saying that as a United States Army official, his first loyalty was to the United States, which made accepting such a payment as morally wrong in his viewpoint. Roxas was one of the few people who did know about Quezon's gift to MacArthur.

Capture by Japanese forces

Following the fall of Corregidor, Roxas was captured by Japanese forces while on his way to a rendezvous point. Initially detained at a prison camp in Malaybalay, Bukidnon, he was later transferred to Davao City, where Japanese officer Nobuhiko Jimbo was assigned to persuade him to join the Japanese-sponsored Philippine Executive Commission. Over three days of conversation through an interpreter, Roxas steadfastly refused which earned him Jimbo’s admiration.

When an order arrived from Manila headquarters to execute Roxas, Jimbo and his superior, Major General Torao Ikuta, did not immediately follow the order. Instead Jimbo decided to hide Roxas in a nearby village, hoping the order would be forgotten after some time. The deception was later discovered, and Jimbo narrowly avoided court-martial. Seeking to clarify the matter, he flew to Manila, where General Masaharu Homma’s chief-of-staff Takaji Wachi revealed that the order to execute Roxas was issued without Homma’s knowledge. Homma immediately canceled the order and directed that Roxas be spared. Returning to Davao, Jimbo found that Ikuta had already transferred Roxas back to Malaybalay for execution, prompting Jimbo to intervene once more to save his life. Jimbo continued to visit Roxas in prison, providing food and letters, until Roxas was eventually brought to Manila and reunited with his family.

Laurel government

He became chief advisor to the collaborationist government of Jose P. Laurel. The American journalist Richard Rovere described Roxas as typical of the Filipino hacendado class (the wealthy owners of the hacienda estates) who sought to opportunistically ingratiate themselves with whatever power ruled the Philippines. An additional reason for the hacendados to support the Japanese occupation was that the main resistance group, the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon (People's Army against the Japanese), better known as the Huks, was a Communist movement. Besides for opposing the Japanese, the Huks promised land reform, by breaking up the haciendas, which caused the hacendados as a group to support the Japanese. The Manila chapter of the fascist Falange party had a membership of about 10,000 people, including members of the most prominent hacendado families such as the Ayalas, Zobels, Elizaldes and Sorianos. By 1945, the Huks had over 70,000 guerrillas in action, making them into easily the largest resistance group in the Philippines. The American historian Russell Buhite wrote: "Roxas was the Philippine equivalent of the fabled French statesman Charles Maurice de Tallyrand who was able to blend with the wind, able to work with authority wherever he found it". The American historian Richard Bernstein stated: "If Japan had won the war...the top man in the Philippines today would probably have been Manuel Roxas".

During Japanese occupation, Roxas provided intelligence to General MacArthur and the American forces via the intelligence-gathering apparatus and efforts of Chick Parsons. Disguised as a Catholic priest, the bearded, tanned Parsons would visit Roxas even while the latter was effectively under house arrest, and privately "receive confession" from the Filipino statesman regarding the disposition of the Japanese forces, the collaborationist government, and various matters of state. Roxas also passed on information from Malacañang to the Fil-Am guerrilla movement through Ramona Snyder, the lover of guerrilla Edwin Ramsey.

On October 20, 1943, the head of the Japanese military police, Akira Nagahama, surprised President Laurel in Malacañang and demanded the arrest of Roxas, whose office was a short distance away. Laurel replied, "You can go and get Roxas, but you'll have to kill me first."

Control of the rice supplies and pricing was power politics in Manila. President Laurel and Roxas, as chief of the Government Rice Procurement Authority, secretly blocked Japanese access to the rice stores controlled by the agency—they wanted to project that the largest possible supply of the staple food would be available to the civilian population at the lowest possible price. They managed the system successfully. But when the Japanese occupiers were forced to use their own procurement methods outside of the Laurel government, short supply and high demand drove the prices up for everyone.

Post-war

Roxas served in the Laurel government until April 1945, when he surrendered to American forces at Baguio. After his capture, MacArthur publicized Roxas' contributions to the resistance movement. MacArthur may have been blackmailed by Roxas, who threatened to reveal the guaranty he accepted in 1942. This was dangerous for The General, as MacArthur had ambitions to run as the candidate of the Republican Party for the 1944 United States presidential election. MacArthur's political ambitions were an open secret at the time. In early 1944, letters between MacArthur and Congressman Albert Miller were leaked to the press, wherein MacArthur expressed his criticism of the policies of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, and dropped hints that he would be willing to accept the Republican nomination for the presidential election to be held after the war.

Shortly after his capture, Roxas told the Americans that he wanted the United States to keep its military bases in the Philippines after independence in 1946, and promised to use all of his influence to persuade the Filipino congress to accept independence on those terms. Buhite wrote that by pardoning Roxas, MacArthur "...undermined his ability to treat other collaborators more harshly". Beyond his presidential ambitions, MacArthur had additional reasons to treat Roxas leniently. MacArthur believed that the men of the hacendado class, such as Roxas, were capable of providing the Philippines with competent leadership. The general felt that whatever Roxas and the other hacendados had done during the Japanese occupation was irrelevant compared to the need to have the haendados continue as the dominant group as MacArthur believed that the Philippines would descend into anarchy without the leadership of the educated class which had been responsible for governance since the time of the Spanish.

Osmeña was opposed to MacArthur's rehabilitation of Roxas, only to receive the reply that: "I have known General Roxas for over twenty years, and I know that he is no threat to our military security. Therefore we are not detaining here". It has been reported that MacArthur disliked President Osmeña, whom he felt was an incompetent leader, and much preferred Roxas to be the country's next president. The charismatic Roxas made for more appealing social company, which he used to his advantage in his dealings with The General. Moreover, Osmeña had often opposed MacArthur before the war. President Osmeña traveled to Washington in early 1945 to appeal for President Roosevelt's help against MacArthur, but he made tactless remarks in his meeting at the White House, inspiring the American president to declare that MacArthur should be allowed to rule the Philippines whatever way he liked. MacArthur announced in a speech that Roxas was "one of the prime factors in the guerilla movement" against the Japanese. Aside from Roxas, MacArthur pardoned over 5,000 Filipino collaborators. Even though over 80% of the Philippine Army officers went over to the Japanese in 1942, their commissions were restated.

Presidential election of 1946

Prior to the Philippine national elections of 1946, at the height of the last Commonwealth elections, Senate President Roxas and his friends left the Nacionalista Party and formed the Liberal Party with Elpidio Quirino. Roxas became their candidate for president and Quirino for vice-president. The Nacionalistas, on the other hand, had Osmeña for president and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez for vice-president. Roxas had the staunch support of General MacArthur. The American military government strongly favored Roxas during the election, regarding him as the Filipino politician most likely to allow the American bases to continue in the Philippines after independence. The British historian Francis Pike wrote that Roxas "effectively bought" the 1946 election, helped by the fact that he owned the largest newspaper empire in the Philippines. The Roxas newspapers election coverage were essentially campaign ads for the Roxas campaign. Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his reputation. On April 23, 1946, Roxas won 54% of the vote, and the Liberal won a majority in the legislature.

Presidency (1946–1948)

Last president of the Commonwealth

On May 28, 1946, prior to his inauguration, president-elect Roxas, accompanied by United States High Commissioner Paul V. McNutt, left for the United States. During his U.S. visit, Roxas came out clearly for the United States to maintain its bases after independence, saying in a speech: "We will welcome the existence of your naval, air and army bases on such of our soil as it is mutually agreeable for the common protection of the United States and the Philippines, and will co-operate in the defense and security of those bases insofar as it is within our power to do so". After the experience of the Japanese occupation, Filipino public opinion was no longer against the presence of American bases after independence in quite the same way as before 1941. However, the U.S. government was apparently not aware of the change in public opinion, and favored Roxas as the man best able to allow the United States to keep its bases after independence.

On May 10, 1946, a draft agreement was signed in Washington allowing the United States to keep its Filipino bases for 99 years after independence. Roxas was willing to sign the agreement, but demanded that the number of American bases be reduced and complained that the sweeping immunity from Filipino law enjoyed by American military personnel envisioned in the agreement would not be popular with Filipino public opinion. He also made it clear that he was more comfortable with the Americans mostly having naval and air bases in the Philippines, and wanted the number of U.S. Army bases kept to the minimum. Some aspects of the Roxas desiderata were incorporated in the final agreement as the Americans agreed to reduce the number of bases in the Philippines after independence. Roxas's argument against the U.S. Army having bases were also incorporated in the agreement, through the fact that the Pentagon saw the Philippines primarily as a place to project power into Asia led to most of the American bases being naval and air bases. Furthermore, as long the Americans dominated the waters and air spaces around the Philippines, another invasion was unlikely. However, the Americans refused to give make concessions on the immunity issue, being adamant that American military personnel enjoy immunity from Filipino law after independence.

On May 28, 1946, Roxas was inaugurated as the last president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. The inaugural ceremonies were held in the ruins of the Legislative Building (now part of the National Museum of the Philippines) and were witnessed by about 200,000 people. In his address, he outlined the main policies of his administration, mainly: closer ties with the United States; adherence to the newly created United Nations; national reconstruction; relief for the masses; social justice for the working class; the maintenance of peace and order; the preservation of individual rights and liberties of the citizenry; and honesty and efficiency of government.

First president of the Third Republic (1946–1948)

Roxas served as the president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines in a brief period, from May 28, 1946, to July 4, 1946, during which time Roxas helped prepare the groundwork for an independent Philippines. He was inaugurated at the ruins of Legislative Building in Manila, which was ruined during the World War II. Chief Justice Manuel Moran administered the oath of office.

Roxas's term as the president of the Commonwealth ended on the morning of July 4, 1946, when the Third Republic of the Philippines was inaugurated and independence from the United States proclaimed. The occasion, attended by some 300,000 people, was marked by the simultaneous lowering of the U.S. flag and raising of the Philippine national flag, a 21-gun salute, and the pealing of church bells. Roxas then took the oath of office as the first president of the new republic before Supreme Court Chief Justice Manuel Moran.

The inaugural ceremonies took place at Luneta Park in the City of Manila. On the Grandstand alone were around 3,000 dignitaries and guests, consisting of President Roxas, Vice President Quirino, their respective parties, and the Cabinet; first United States Ambassador to the Philippines Paul McNutt; General Douglas MacArthur (coming from Tokyo); United States Postmaster General Robert E. Hannegan; a delegation from the U.S. Congress led by Maryland Senator Millard Tydings (author of the Tydings–McDuffie Act) and Missouri Representative C. Jasper Bell (author of the Bell Trade Act); and former Civil Governor-General Francis Burton Harrison.

Domestic policies

Following the independence in 1946, the government and the people quickly put all hands to work in the tasks of rescuing the country from its severe economic disruption. Reputed to be one of the most destroyed and bombed countries, the Philippines faced significant damage industrially. Cities such as Manila could be compared to heavily devastated European cities during the war. More than one million people were recorded unaccounted for nationwide. Estimates placed total war casualties up to two million. Estimates indicate that the Philippines had lost approximately two thirds of her material wealth. In 1946, the Filipino gross domestic produce was down 38.7% from where it had been in 1937.

The country was facing near bankruptcy. There was no national economy, no export trade. Indeed, production for exports had not been restored. On the other hand, imports were to reach the amount of three million dollars. There was need of immediate aid from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. Something along this line was obtained. Again, loans from the United States, as well as some increase in the national revenues, were to help the new Republic.

Among the main remedies proposed was the establishment of the Philippine Rehabilitation Finance Corporation. This entity would be responsible for the construction of twelve thousand houses and for the grant of easy-term loans in the amount of P177,000,000. Another proposal was the creation of the Central Bank of the Philippines to help stabilize the Philippine dollar reserves and coordinate and the nations banking activities gearing them to the economic progress.

Concentrating on the sugar industry, Roxas would exert such efforts as to succeed in increasing production from 13,000 tons at the time of the Philippine liberation to an all-high of one million tons.

The war had burned cities and towns, ruined farms and factories, blasted roads and bridges, shattered industries and commerce, massacred thousands of civilians, and paralyzed the educational system, where 80% of the school buildings, their equipment, laboratories and furniture were destroyed. Numberless books, invaluable documents and works of art, irreplaceable historical relics and family heirlooms, hundreds of churches and temples were burned. The reconstruction of the damaged school buildings alone cost more than ₱126,000,000,000. Pike noted that the Japanese as part of their efforts of "liberation" from American imperialism by bringing the Philippines into the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere "...had smashed industrial buildings, banks, government offices and hotels. Infrastructure including ports had been sabotaged or destroyed in the heavy fighting for Manila".

Foreign policies

On August 5, 1946, Congress ratified the Treaty of General Relations that had been entered into by and between the Republic of the Philippines and the United States on July 4, 1946. Aside from withdrawing her sovereignty from the Philippines and recognizing her independence, the Treaty reserved for the United States some bases for the mutual protection of both countries; consented that the United States represent the Philippines in countries where the latter had not yet established diplomatic representation; made the Philippines assume all debts and obligations of the former government in the Philippines; and provided for the settlement of property rights of the citizens of both countries.

Although Roxas was successful in getting rehabilitation funds from the United States after independence, he was forced to concede military bases (23 of which were leased for 99 years), trade restriction for the Philippine citizens, and special privileges for U.S. property owners and investors. On March 21, 1947, the United States granted the Philippines some $17.7 million in military aid and another $25 million to assist with reconstruction. The Communist Huk rebellion led to fears in the United States that the Huks might come to power while the fact that the Kuomintang were clearly losing the Chinese civil war by this point led to the very real possibility that Chinese Communists might come to the power. In turn, there was much fear in Washington that a Communist China would grant the Soviet Union air and naval bases. The possibility of a Communist China vastly increased the geopolitical importance of the Philippines to the United States, which wanted to retain its air and naval bases in the Philippines to maintain control of the South China Sea. The Americans made it clear that they were prepared to pay "handsomely" for the right to keep their Filipino bases, which Roxas exploited.

On March 11, 1947, Philippine voters, agreeing with Roxas, ratified in a nationwide plebiscite the "parity amendment" to the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines, granting United States citizens the right to dispose of and utilize Philippine natural resources, or parity rights.

On September 19, 1946, the Republic of the Philippines notified the United Kingdom that it wished to take over the administration of the Turtle Islands and the Mangsee Islands. Pursuant to a supplemental international agreement, the transfer of administration became effective on October 16, 1947.

Controversies

His administration was marred by graft and corruption; moreover, the abuses of the provincial military police contributed to the rise of the left-wing (Huk) movement in the countryside. His heavy-handed attempts to crush the Huks led to widespread peasant disaffection.

The good record of the Roxas administration was marred by notable failures: the failure to curb graft and corruption in the government (as evidenced by the surplus war property scandal), the Chinese immigration scandal, the school supplies scandal and the failure to check and stop the communist Hukbalahap movement.

Assassination attempt

The night before the plebiscite, Roxas narrowly escaped assassination by Julio Guillen, a disgruntled barber from Tondo, Manila, who hurled a grenade at the platform on Plaza Miranda immediately after Roxas had addressed a rally.

Death

On April 15, 1948, President Roxas delivered a speech before the United States Thirteenth Air Force at the Kelly Theater in Clark Air Base, Pampanga. After the speech, he suffered dizziness and fatigue and was brought to the residence of Major General Eugene L. Eubank. That night, he suffered multiple heart attacks and died at 9:23 pm at the age of 56.

His body was brought to Manila the following day on a special train, reaching Malacañang at about 9:20 am. Sessions of Congress were suspended until after the burial which was set on Sunday, April 25, 1948. Vice President Elpidio Quirino, who was on board a southern cruise at the time of Roxas's death, arrived in Manila on April 17. That morning, Quirino immediately went to Malacañang and took the oath of office as president in the Council of State Room. The new president then appointed a committee to take charge of the funeral arrangements for the late president and issued a proclamation declaring a period of national mourning from April 17 to May 17.

Roxas was buried at the Manila North Cemetery.

Personal life

Roxas married Trinidad de Leon on April 14, 1921, in a quiet ceremony at the Chapel of Sibul Springs, San Miguel, Bulacan. The couple had two children, Rosario "Ruby" and Gerardo (Gerry, father of Mar). Roxas also fathered three children with Juanita Muriedas McIlvain – Rosario "Charo" Roxas (mother of Margie Moran), Consuelo Roxas, and Manuel "Manny" Roxas, Jr.

Legacy

On July 3, 1956, Roxas was posthumously awarded the Quezon Service Cross. The award was presented to his widow, Trinidad de Leon-Roxas, by Vice President Carlos P. Garcia on behalf of President Ramon Magsaysay.

In his honor, various cities and municipalities in the Philippines have been renamed after him, including Roxas, Oriental Mindoro in (1948), the first town to be named as such; Roxas, Isabela (1948); President Roxas, Capiz (1949); Roxas City, Capiz (1951); Roxas, Palawan (1951); President Roxas, Cotabato (1967); and President Manuel A. Roxas, Zamboanga del Norte (1967). Dewey Boulevard in Metro Manila was renamed in his memory, and he was previously depicted on the 100 Philippine peso bill. In almost every city and municipality, a Roxas Street or Roxas Avenue may be found. A street in Cubao, Quezon City has also been named in his memory, but in his capacity as a former general.